GOING STRONG AT 65

“Our strength and capabilities are inherently based on forming, sustaining, equip­ping, and training an adaptive force in which the only constant in the geopolitical terrain is change.”

(General Philip Breedlove, Commander SACEUR)

The international community today is constantly under threat from terrorist agendas, and economic challenges that affect and endanger entire populations. As individual countries struggle to find solutions, often more success is seen through formation of alliances. The most successful of these alliances utilize analyses from diverse perspectives and combine resources to accelerate processes of change for desired outcomes. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization, (NATO) has been one such force of positive change throughout its 65 year history, and proved itself to be the most durable alliance in history.

Signed into existence in Washington, D.C. on April 4, 1949, with 12 members, today this robust 28-member alliance is a model of cooperation and strength. Achieving substantial success in its missions over the years, NATO has actively worked with member states and partnered with 41 countries and individual stockholders from across the globe, impacting strategic decisions and providing informed global perspectives. 

The first Secretary General of NATO, Lord Ismay, had famously stated – what would appear very short-sighted and naïve now – that the organization's goal was, "to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down." Needless to say, perspectives on partnerships and priorities have changed significantly since then, and adapted to shifting geopolitical realities. NATO has formed strong bonds with Russia through NATO-Russia Council (NRC) since 2002 and worked on many fronts together. As Gen Breedlove recently observed in the Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2014: “While NATO has different views with Russia in certain areas such as missile defense, there are many other areas in which we are working together in order to achieve the goals set out at the NATO-Russia Council summit in Lisbon in 2010.” Areas of cooperation include counter-narcotics and piracy, scientific and technical fields, civil emergency response, nuclear weapons issues, crisis management etc. Since 2008, Russia has also provided land transit routes to the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan across Russian territory. 

Taking up the cause of women and children suffering the repercussions of living in current or previously active war zones, NATO also actively supports the UN to implement its Women, Peace and Security agenda outlined in the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325. This and other similar UN resolutions, “… call for full and equal participation of women at all levels in issues ranging from early conflict prevention to post-conflict reconstruction, peace and security.”  (UN sources)

Over the years, NATO has evolved into a vibrant organization, focused on resolving conflict and supporting the cause of peace, drawing ever more strength from adapting to changing times. NATO has been actively involved in supporting the cause of peace in countries around the world. After the collapse of the Soviet Union which heralded the end of the Cold War, the focus on active crises brought NATO into Bosnia in the 1994 Bosnian war; then into Afghanistan as part of the security and training force working with the Afghan Government starting 2003 to date, and into Iraq for technical assistance and training from operational phase starting 2004 to 2011, to a sustaining role during 2012 and 2013. Since 2008, NATO has also successfully conducted counter-piracy operations around the Horn of Africa to protect the busy sea route, especially for international humanitarian vessels, including those of the UN World Food Program (WFP). NATO also participated in the 2011 air campaign in Libya to implement the UN Resolution, UNSCR 1973.

Of all the missions, however, NATO’s involvement in Afghanistan remains its longest and perhaps toughest combat commitment to date...  

Read full article at SOUTHASIA, Going Strong at 65

In Deep Waters

The fishing row between India and Sri Lanka is not only effecting bilateral relations between the two countries but taking its toll on the poor who have no alternate means of livelihood. Finding a long term solution that benefits all has to address the humanitarian aspect of the issue soon

Fishing is a popular means of livelihood in parts of India and Sri Lanka due to rampant poverty and lack of other available skills. But many fishermen have also inherited the profession from their forefathers and proudly claim it as being in their blood and an essential part of their identity. Hence, anything that is perceived as a threat to either their survival or to their sense of self is naturally deemed personal.

This fishing dispute between India and Sri Lanka in the deep sea area has been highly charged for the past many years due to a number of factors. The main reason revolves around the ownership status of the small island in the Palk Bay area, called Katchatheevu.  According to some reports, through the 1974 agreement India and Sri Lanka had agreed on a maritime boundary in which India had ceded the Island’s rights to Sri Lanka and negotiated away fishing rights for their own fishermen. However, the Indian side argues that the wording of the agreement has been manipulated by the Sri Lankan authorities and their fishermen are being denied even their legitimate rights of fishing in the area.

Historically, Indian Tamil fishermen had faced no issues fishing near the island, and many times they would go into the Sri Lankan waters. That wasn’t appreciated by the Sri Lankan side, but no serious repercussions followed except issuance of warnings.  However, when the civil war began in 1983, it complicated things for the Sri Lankan Navy trying to keep up with the demands of the fight against the insurgents, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Any connection between the Indian Tamils and the LTTE was vehemently denied by the Indian side, but the fact that ethnically Tamils of India’s southern state of Tamil Nadu have close ethnic and cultural ties to Tamils in Sri Lanka, it was easy to suspect they had a hand in providing material support and fuelling the insurgency.

It became increasingly hard for the Sri Lankan Navy to distinguish between regular fishing boats and those boats that were being used for smuggling weapons and other goods for Sri Lankan Tamil militants, and they ended up putting complete fishing restrictions on their own fishermen. The Indian boats however continued to fish in the area, and were often caught in the cross fire resulting in serious rifts and tension between the two countries. Despite humanitarian crisis rising from this situation, the Indian boats were blamed for bringing it upon themselves by illegally crossing the international boundary.  A New York Times article quoted Sugeeswara Senadhira, consul general at the Sri Lankan Embassy in New Delhi, asserting that it was inevitable because “They cannot fish around the island.”

According to some media reports, over a period of 25 to 30 years, some 100 Indian fishermen have died and many beaten and their boats and catch confiscated. However, according to the version given by the Sri Lankan side, when the numbers of those hurt are placed against those that continue to venture out to the Sri Lankan waters, the percentage remains small as the Indian trawlers have used the waters exclusively for years. The anger though has built among the Indian Tamils, and they have attacked Sri Lankan pilgrims in retaliation.

When the Sri Lankan fishermen finally resumed some fishing activities during the ceasefire from 2002-2004, they resented the threat to their livelihood from over fishing of Indian trawlers which had caused reduction of fish supply. For years the Indian side had exploited the lack of competition and opportunity to cross over and fish deep into the Lankan waters with an expanded fleet. Then, after the end of civil war in 2009, again as the small Sri Lankan fishermen returned in large numbers they found the Indian trawlers to be a hindrance to their survival.

On the other hand a similar dilemma and humanitarian crisis unfolded on the Indian side. Sri Lankan multi-day fishing boats had been fishing deep into the Indian waters and causing similar danger to fish population, while small fishermen son the Indian side uffered. A New York Times article reported the plight of fishermen in Vellapallam, the eastern state of Tamil Nadu, India.  Fishing is practically the only livelihood available to the locals and fishermen complain of harassment by the Sri Lankan Navy and struggle with finding alternate means of livelihood. Nearly all of the village fishermen use small boats and not the big trawlers.

The previous unofficial arrangement of letting small boats go unharmed seems to have changed now and if caught, these small boat fishermen from both sides receive harsh treatment with their equipment and catch confiscated by the Indian or Sri Lankan Forces and sometimes fishermen are even kidnapped. A bilateral agreement between the two countries prohibits such treatment, but as things tense up, the small boats are not spared and face grim fates.

It is clear that grievances exist on both sides. Finding a long term solution that benefits all concerned has to be based on recognizing the humanitarian aspect of it than simply settling scores. Now that the LTTE insurgency is over and the security issue is no more, small boats managed by poor fishermen who only want to fulfill needs of their families must be given their livelihood back. What needs to be seriously looked into is the issue of trawlers and multi-day fishing boats that are depleting fish populations in the area.

It would be a good idea for the two countries to start genuine dialogue with some kind of resolution to the boundary issue in mind, and leading to a workable joint arrangement with mutual consultation for small fishermen based on managing fishing populations. A process aimed at finding a solution and not merely a political victory for either country can go a long way towards peace in the region.

SouthAsia Magazine, October, 2012.

Changing Priorities

Today, numerous Bangladeshi women are taking charge of their personal and professional lives. However, widespread gender bias and violence continue to challenge their dreams of emancipation and empowerment. Have the two women Prime Ministers of Bangladesh made a difference in the life of an average woman?

South Asian politics is dominated by dynastic trends and the presence of women leaders at the helm of affairs. The former is an unfortunate reality but the latter should be a source of pride for developing nations that have traditionally struggled with gender issues to provide their women with some very basic human rights. Whether it is the assassinated former Prime Ministers Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan and Indira Gandhi of India, or the still vibrant Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh, we must credit these women for their determination and persistence against the norms of their male-dominated cultures. Unfortunately, however, that is not a testament to women’s empowerment because not only do most of these women leaders have a strong male connection as primary reason for their rise to power, but also the life of an average woman has remained largely unchanged under their rule.

Bangladesh is a developing nation of 165 million with an adult literacy rate of about 55%. It has been run almost exclusively for the past two decades by Bangladesh’s two Begums – current Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Awami League (AL), and opposition leader and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Sheikh Hasina is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Bangladesh’s independence hero and first prime minister murdered in 1975. Khaleda Zia is the widow of former president, Maj. Gen. Ziaur Rahman assassinated in a failed coup attempt in 1981.

As Prime Ministers, the Begums have been known to run corrupt regimes, and faced criminal charges. In 2007, the army tried to end their monopoly on power when it seized power by splitting their vote banks and trying to create alternate forces. However, the Begums’ parties proved resilient and Sheikh Hasina came back to power in Dec 2008 and promptly resumed business as usual by filing more corruption charges against her opponent.

It is safe to say the last two decades have seen Bangladeshi women become more visible on the social and professional scene, but the gains have fallen short of expectation, especially under successive women Prime Minsters. So while the Begums focus on each other, the majority of women fight their own battles at home and in the social sphere against harassment, assault, kidnapping, acid throwing, and murder over dowry disputes.

Amnesty International reported that in 2010 police had received more than 3,500 complaints of physical abuse of women over dowry disputes, and in 2011, violence against women topped all crimes reported to the police between January and June, and 1586 out of 7,285 complaints were of rape cases. Due to prevalent patriarchal social attitudes, women in general, but especially from low socioeconomic backgrounds, lack access to resources for protection or legal redress. Domestic violence, however, transcends class barriers and acid-throwing is a brutal favoured punishment of spurned suitors or disgruntled husbands. There is also extensive trafficking of women to other countries in Asia and Middle East, lured by job prospects but forced into prostitution.

Moreover, The Daily Star quoted United Nations World Food Program (UNWFP) on International Women’s Day 2012 asserting that much effort was still needed to improve the lives of women in Bangladesh. The report said that almost half of the female population in Bangladesh is married before reaching 16, which results in higher pregnancy rate in adolescence, and undernourished mothers then give birth to underweight babies. Many young girls are still denied schooling and face bleak futures. UN Secretary General Mr. Ban Ki-moon urged the government, civil society and the private sector to work for gender equality in Bangladesh, which had not kept pace with strides in economic development.

Clearly, Bangladesh’s economic gains are not fully transferred to its women though their contribution to the economy is substantial, especially to the garment industry which is the source of 90% of Bangladesh’s foreign exchange. Institutions like Grameen Bank and BRAC have revolutionized the lives of many rural women by extending micro-credit to them, and have contributed to their economic empowerment, but unfortunately, Grameen Bank founder, the Nobel Laureate Muhammad Yunus, has been attacked by Sheikh Hasina, ironically again, in what is seen as a political move.

Gender bias has also often surfaced through religious expression. In April 2011, CNN reported   that when the government announced its Women Development Policy 2011 about inheritance of property, protests broke out from the radical Islamic parties that considered it a violation of the Quran’s injunctions about inheritance. Ironically, the opposition party BNP of Kahleda Zia was reported to be supporting the protest, undermining the cause of women’s empowerment just to gain some political mileage.

In July 2011, Human Rights Watch reiterated its concern for Bangladeshi women who are increasingly on the receiving end of religious fatwas issued by so-called scholars, even against the rulings of civil courts, in shalishes, the traditional dispute resolution methods. These decrees have resulted in humiliating punishments resulting in death for young girls wrongly accused. The punishments include imposing fines, lashing, cutting hair or blackening faces, and ostracizing families, carried out by vigilantes. While many of these incidents go unreported, human rights groups claim at least 300 such incidents have occurred in the last decade. In 2011, one particular case in Shariatpur district highlighted the seriousness of the issue when the shalish ordered 100 lashes to Hena Akhter for an alleged affair, when she had reportedly been sexually abused. She collapsed while the punishment was being carried out, and later died. Thus, the government’s failure to effectively address such incidences and implement legislation continues to result in grievous harm to women under the watch of their woman Prime Minister.

 It should be a matter of pride for Bangladesh that in November 2010 it was elected to the board of UN Women, but to do justice to this role Bangladesh’s Begums need to shift focus from personal and political gains and use their position to aggressively to work towards emancipation and empowerment of the average woman. Only then can the Bangladeshi women be truly proud of their Begums. 

A version of this article was published in SouthAsia, April 2012, as Changing Priorities

THE WORLD IN BLACK AND WHITE

“Why are South Asians so fascinated with a fair complexion?” asked my American friend, Ruth.

The monthly meeting of our book club was in session. Having read Bapsi Sidhwa’s An American Brat, the members were ready to discuss the book’s contents.

“Doesn’t it look lovely?” I asked.

“Not if you are Rihaana!” Quipped Charlotte and everyone laughed.

“And not if it shows all your wrinkles more!” added Jane.

“You can’t have it both ways, can you?” I chuckled. “Actually, it’s probably a post-colonial association issue. White-skin has become synonymous with power and status for us.”

Everyone nodded, understandingly but the conversation started me thinking if our fascination with white skin was just a colonial hangover or a symptom of something deeper.

Skin-tone prejudice may be defined as giving darker-skinned people discriminatory social treatment. Anthropologists and historians believe the symbolism of white and black colours is universal and originates from the basic distinction of light and darkness. They also acknowledge its gender connection. In Fair Women, Dark Men: The forgotten Roots of Colour Prejudice, anthropologist Peter Frost says, “lighter women were preferred in medieval Japan, Aztec Mexico and Moorish Spain, even before there was significant contact with Western ideology.” Sociologist Pierre L. van den Berghe, also writes in his foreword, “Although virtually all cultures express a marked preference for fair female skin, even those with little or no exposure to European imperialism…many are indifferent to male pigmentation or even prefer men to be darker.”

This adds another dimension to the system of gender prejudice prevalent in South Asian societies of India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. Pakistan is ethnically very diverse, and women of the North Western areas that host fair-skinned populations are relatively free of this prejudice while other ethnic groups are more vulnerable. We all remember Junaid Jamshed’s hit song, ‘Goray-rung-ka-zamana’ that prompted an outcry from the not-so-fair maidens and resulted in, ‘Saanwli-saloni-si-mehbooba’. Though JJ obviously did not mean to be discriminatory, his choice of topics shows how deeply our society has unconsciously adopted this bias and become complicit in a gender crime that flourishes at home, at the workplace and in public spheres.

Workplace discrimination is hard to tackle since the methods are usually subtle, and many women are discouraged by fear of reprisal and lack of trust in legal recourse. This discrimination comes in the form of racial slurs in the US, but the legal system is more effective there, for example, in 2008 a black woman, Tomeika Broussard, was granted $44,000 in damages in a lawsuit because her boss repeatedly called her ‘reggin’, a racial slur spelt backwards.

Sadly, many wonderful women’s personal lives suffer because of widespread skin-tone bias when even dark-skinned Romeos pass them by for fairer maidens. However, more disturbing is when women themselves become equal participants of this cruel practice against their own kind — a case of the abused turning into abusers. When looking for bahus, mothers-in-law often act as hard-to-please prejudiced gatekeepers, thereby ruining the happiness of many girls and destroying any chance of finding compatible partners for their sons.

A friend once described her humiliating experience with the rishta aunties. As they enjoyed tea and samosas, she overheard them calling attention to her feet in case she had applied whitening creams on her face to hide her true complexion. Her intellectual accomplishments and pleasant mannerism meant nothing to them. What an unfortunate experience for any self-respecting female. On a similar note, African-American author Marita Golden writes in her memoir, “Don’t Play in the Sun”, about the colour-based bias of her mother when she tells her to stay out of the sun because, “You’re going to have to get a light-skinned husband for the sake of your children as it is”. This admonishment is familiar to many South Asian girls and points to the universal nature of this prejudice.
In such a discriminatory atmosphere, commercial gains are not lost to the shrewd businessman. Skin lightening products are a huge and lucrative industry in India and Pakistan. A 2007 New York Times report revealed that half of India’s skincare market comprised skin whitening products because, as Ashok Venkatramani of Hindustan Lever explained, “The definition of beauty in the Western world is linked to anti-aging…In Asia, it’s all about being two shades lighter.” The advertisements of popular fairness creams show dark, lonely women transforming into fair, happy beauties with fulfilling lives, thereby belittling their achievements and connecting their happiness to meaningless superficial concerns.

Colour discrimination in the United States largely affects people of South Asian descent, African Americans and Hispanics.Some anthropologists believe that the African diaspora is as much traumatised by ‘colourism’ as by racism and colonialism.
Studies show darker-skinned people to be at a socio-economic disadvantage even in today’s politically-correct West. South Asian and African-American communities themselves prefer lighter skin, proving that the discrimination is not just brought on from outside but embraced by victim communities themselves — an African-American retailer was sued by the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in 2008 for calling his darker-skinned employee ‘too dark’ and ‘black as charcoal’.

Perceptions of beauty among African-American women favour lighter-skinned Halle Berry over the darker Whoopi Goldberg or Oprah, and while Michelle Obama may be a celebrated dark-skinned beauty, that perception may be influenced by her position as the American First Lady. Darker Asian men have recently come to focus on their complexion encouraged by fairness creams aimed at men. Darker African-American men, by contrast, have had it tough throughout history and been assigned to fieldwork while their lighter counterparts worked indoors. The Christian Science Monitor recently reported about the former Mississippi governor’s pardon controversy — of all the pardons Barbour had granted, two-thirds were for white prisoners when the prison racial make-up is two-thirds black, thus revealing the possible reach of colour prejudice extending into the US justice system.

Though the era of political correctness discourages open expressions of prejudice in many societies, skin-based discrimination still flourishes unhindered. In order to bring down the colour collateral this bias exacts from our women, we must deny it the mental and physical space it occupies in our social-scape so that no accomplished dark maiden need summon the mirror on her wall to weigh her worth. Let us, indeed, adjust our priorities for the better.

Published in Dawn Review as "The World in Black and White" , March 18, 2012.

Futile Efforts

“We can help train an army, we can help equip an army, we can help build facilities for the army, but only the Afghan people can breathe a soul into that army.” Lt Gen. Karl Eikenberry, former Commander, Combined Forces Command – Afghanistan( CFC-A)

The decade long War on Terror in Afghanistan seems to be coming to a close – or at least scaling down to a limited presence of foreign forces from active combat to a supportive role by 2014. Understandably, there is both hope and apprehension not only for the Afghanis but also the most affected neighboring country of Pakistan, and the US whose terrorism-related pursuits have resulted in its investment of enormous manpower and material resources into the Afghan quagmire. However, a strong and independent Afghanistan is crucial to the security of the region. That requires, among other things, a successful transition of responsibility for primary security to the Afghan National Army (ANA).

Afghanistan has a long history of interruptions in political process due to tribal rivalries and violence, and external invasion and occupation, and existence of tribal militias goes back much longer than the presence of the ANA. The country’s history of resistance against foreign invaders and internal insurgencies also goes side by side with other crippling issues of gender discrimination, illiteracy – only 28% of Afghans can read and write. (UNICEF, 2008) – its ranking of174/178 countries on the global Human Development Index, and its status of a leader in illegal opium production supporting 90% of global production (UNDP, 2007). All these issues do not contribute to a promising picture. 

In 2002, realizing that bringing ANA back on its feet would be crucial to bringing any form of stability in the future of the country, the US and NATO began training and organizing the ANA. Now, having achieved some major objectives of the War on Terror (WoT), and with exit strategies of NATO and the US forces for 2014 in place, building ANA’s capacity has assumed more importance. Over the years, NATO and the US trainers faced numerous challenges due to post-Soviet era chaos and the violence and insurgency resulting from WoT,  including working with non-existent infrastructure, navigating traditional ethnic rivalries and crippling levels of illiteracy, widespread drug abuse, and ineffective role played by the central government.

Clearly, no quick solution was possible. So, work began despite these serious inadequacies. A report titled, “It’s Starting to Look a Lot Like an Army” (LA Times, 2006) quotes Commander Leppert talking about the difficulty of the job, “We are building an airplane while the airplane is flying.”  While praising the hard work of the Afghan troops, the report described how the “Afghan commanders and soldiers complain of poor pay, faulty weapons, ammunition shortages and lack of protective gear. US trainers, while praising Afghan soldiers for their bravery, complain of slovenly appearance, lack of discipline, petty theft, mistreated equipment and infiltration of the army by Taliban spies or soldiers who sell information.” Several incidents have surfaced over the years where infiltrators were caught trying to gain access to information and some officers were caught for arms trafficking. The ANP has been implicated in massacre of civilians (Matthieu Aikins, The Atlantic), and the Afghan Local Police in killings, rape, abductions and illegal raids (Human Rights Watch Sept 2011). That makes the job of preparing an effective and respected army even harder.

Despite the challenges, and while the overall perception of security has declined periodically, ANA is generally seen in a positive light by the general population. An Asia Foundation (2006) opinion poll also supports that view, stating that 87% of Afghans still support the ANA because they see it as an alternative to other more corrupt government forces. NATO trainers applaud small successes of ANA and find it satisfying that ANA is now somewhat prepared to play a significant role in actively participating in, and sometimes leading, military operations. Their participation helps NATO and US forces to carry out bigger operations. Partnering with the Afghan forces allows them to make contact with local populations while they conduct combat operations with insurgents. The importance of forming a relationship of trust with the local population through Afghan forces cannot be ignored as the exit for a major part of foreign troops draws near, while liaisons are needed for others who plan to remain behind in supportive roles for another decade. Over the years the supportive and leading role of ANA has been tested with leading combat and search/clearance operations successfully, though on a smaller scale. These successes however, do not predict a strong ANA in the near future. It is going to be a long haul.

In the post-NATO/US Afghanistan, ANA’s active participation has significant importance for Pakistan which needs that stability in its neighboring country to be able to send millions of Afghan refugees and insurgents back to their home country. With its own economic challenges growing bigger by the day, Pakistan is ill-equipped to support any longer these refugees it took in on humanitarian grounds firstly in the Soviet war of the 80s, and later amid insurgency and violence following WoT. The fallout from the WoT has crippled Pakistan’s security as well, despite international support and extensive internal efforts. Pakistan’s geo-strategic location offers economic dividends that Pakistan has not been able to utilize due to security concerns and Pakistan also needs that stability to be able to check Afghanistan’s opium production landing in Pakistan on its way to European markets, and destroying the youth of the country.

 ANA’s work in Afghanistan is not going to be easy after most of the coalition forces leave in 2014. If NATO and US make their exit without ensuring that the ANA is well-equipped and trained enough to exert a positive influence over the war-weary and traumatized population, the rewards reaped from their work so far might be lost entirely and the country might slip back into chaos as militias become more organized. While addressing ANA’s internal issues is extremely important to achieving any success with them,  it is also important to understand that unless poor governance, corruption and human rights abuses are addressed side by side, stability in Afghanistan will remain a distant dream. Ultimately, only “the Afghan people can breathe a soul into that army”.

 Published in SouthAsia as Futile Efforts, Feb 2012

India - a Quest for Identity

Living in a melting pot of races, religions and cultures, the inhabitants of Northeast India continue to struggle with an identity crisis while battling decades of ethnic conflict.

Northeastern India consists of the seven sister states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura, and parts of North Bengal. This is a very diverse region and has strong ethnic and cultural ties with Southeast and East Asia while it is officially a part of India since 1947. These states constitute a special category which is officially recognized by the Indian government. The major religions practiced here include Christianity, Hinduism and Islam.  

Northeast India has seen a steady flow of immigrants throughout history, which accounts for its ethnic, linguistic cultural and religious diversity. Linguistically, the Bengali and Assamese speakers have been the most in numbers, as Subir Bhaumik pointed out in Ethnicity, Ideology and Religion: Separatist Movements in India’s Northeast, and the statistics regarding linguistic majority have been influenced by political affiliations e.g. in Assam, the migrant Muslims of Bengali origin registered as Assamese speakers between 1947 and 1982 to become part of the larger community, but after the 1983 riots, many of these Muslims began to register as Bengali speakers, changing the statistics about the number of Assamese speakers in the 1991 and 2001 Census.

There are three main groups inhabiting the Northeastern region which have been at odds with each other: the Assamese, the Bengalis and the tribal communities. Historically, wave after wave of migration towards the region was directed from the Eastern Asian countries like Tibet, Burma and Thailand, and the 1947 Partition led to increase of Bengali Hindu and Muslim refugees. As happens with demographic change and tipping of ethnic balance in any region when also accelerated by political maneuvering, a feeling of discrimination and deprivation slowly established itself and hatt has led to a constant sparking of ethnic violence for decades, uprooting families and claiming lives.

This sense of discrimination has been aggravated to a level that the resulting agitation has led to accusations of changed political loyalties of the Assamese towards the Indian government. This attitude of distrust has sustained in the minds of some politicians and policy makers and has prevented implementation of policies for social uplifting and effective conflict management. The fact that is conveniently ignored by politicians is that the historical differences and resulting conflict actually originate from the Colonial era discriminatory treatment of Assamese, and has continued due to mismanagement by the government and exploitation by political leaders.  

Several reasons are acknowledged by economists and policy makers to be the cause of conflict in this region. One of them is the region’s geographical location as a poorly integrated remote corner of the country. Assam is landlocked by Bangladesh, Bhutan and Tibet and is joined by a narrow corridor with India through Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal. Some blame successive economic and political policies of the Indian government relying on use of force to suppress conflict rather than to manage and understanding it, and sometimes even just focusing on temporary political gains.  Dr. Shakuntala Bora of Gauhati University finds in the course of her research that the reasons for the identity crisis of the ethnic groups in Assam include their awareness of being different from the majority group, a sense of being discriminated against and a strong desire for a significant share in political power – all of which are legitimate concerns for self-assertion.  Dov Ronen, who has been affiliated with Harvard University’s Centre for International Affairs, also suggests that ethnic nationalism is just an expression of self determination and, “ethnicity is politicized into the ethnic factor when an ethnic group is in conflict with the political elite over such issues as the use of limited resources or the allocation of benefits.”

The Northeasterners also suffer discrimination due to their physical appearance. Racially, they are considered to be closer to Southeast Asia, and have trouble fitting in and being accepted by the larger Indian population. The discrimination has resulted in a steady increase over the years in trafficking of, and sexual violence against, women which is seen, based to a 2011 study of North-East Support Center and helpline (NESCH), by Madhu Chandra as “a reflection of India's caste practices and social system as majority of North-East Indians come from Scheduled Castes and Tribes and ethnically Mongoloid race, which falls out of caste hierarchy.” Though the Indian constitution protects right of minorities, practically, there has been little protection from hate crimes and exploitation for the Northeasterners even in the capital, Delhi. Northeasterners working or studying in Delhi have complained of having little support from the police or legal system. Hence, it is seen that most of the cases go unreported. Even when reported, however, they are often denied FIRs or their cases are delayed by the police and courts. According to the NESCH, of the cases studied less than half were taken up by police, out of which only 1% actually made it to court. Derogatory terms are also in common usage for referring to Northeastern men and women. To add to their misery, Northeast Indians face identity crisis not only in their own country, but due to their East Asian looks but Indian passports, they are also meted out the same treatment when they travel to adjoining Bhutan, Nepal, China and Myanmar. This discriminatory behavior often fuels anger and sense of deprivation among the inhabitants of this region and contributes to socio-political unrest and communal violence. It is no wonder that the Northeast has been India’s most insurgency affected region.

A crisis in multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies may result from suppression or exploitation of any group. To prevent it from blowing into a full-fledged conflict, we need policies that prevent polarization and encourage integration. Politicization of ethnicity which turns it into ethnic conflict has to stop. Without effective solution, or continuance of discriminatory policies, the situation only leads to insurgency and militancy as observed in Northeast India for the last many decades.

 Published : SouthAsia Magazine, as India: A Quest for Identity Dec, 2011 

South Asia - Potential and Prospects

Feature

Social indicators of development in the dynamic South Asian region are not always promising. However, the South Asian economy is resilient as are its people, and can do well with sustained international focus in lending and knowledge investment to supplement efforts of local governments.

South Asia comprises seven countries: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, representing the largest concentration of the world’s poor and also of the highest number of the conflict-afflicted. Over-population, environmental issues and bad governance feature high on development challenges, as do internal and external conflict.

 Nepal’s stability is affected by decades of Maoist insurgency. Sri Lanka has struggled through years of ethnic conflict. India has had to deal with major internal insurgencies and the political and military challenges with neighboring countries. The arms race in the region between the two largest countries of the region, India and Pakistan, which started in the 80s and grew to include nuclear capability, continues to challenge relations between them. Also, the power politics of major world players over the years, the US and the former USSR, has caused huge instability in the region and Pakistan battles serious repercussions in the form of drugs and terrorism, and the fallout of War on Terror in neighboring Afghanistan.

Not surprisingly, South Asian countries have extensive areas of inequality and extreme poverty directly connected to the conflict areas. The inclusivity of development logically depends on reducing this inequality. Since conflict is a major deterrent to political stability, no sustained growth policies have been successfully applied over the decades. However, domestic reforms and external assistance has helped provide some relief in phases.

A brief overview of the economic outlook of South Asian countries is as follows:

Bangladesh is an agricultural country, and one of the world’s most densely populated nations (164 million). A wide majority works in agriculture, though service industries contribute over half of GDP. Bangladesh has a flourishing garment industry. However, weak institutions, poverty, frequent cyclones and floods and corruption (CPI 2009: 139^th/180) undermine economic development and increase unrest despite reasonable inflow of aid from international donor, including around $100 million a year from the United States. Unemployment rate is currently closer to 5.1% and inflation 6.0% (CIA Fact Book 2011).  Still, from the '90s to 2010 industrial production increased to 30% from 20%. The increase in demand for power and other infrastructure has not been successfully met with and the country's industries and manufacturing sector have suffered greatly.

Bhutan is ranked among the top 10 happiest countries of the world. This has been achieved due to its unique five-year national development plan series based on ‘Gross National Happiness’. Bhutan is well into achieving its objective to reduce poverty to 15% by 2012-13 in its Tenth Five-Year Plan (2008-2013). Bhutan has not only been successful at most of the original MDGs but in some cases, it is going beyond the MDGs. However, trade and finance need some policy planning to facilitate more foreign investment. Regionally, the economy is closely aligned with India’s and hydropower exports to India have boosted Bhutan’s overall growth. The World Bank has been assisting Bhutan since the early 80s and projects worth US$73 million focused on education, health, private sector, and rural development and infrastructure are underway. The Global Fund is also committed to programs to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. The per capita income has exceeded US$2000, making Bhutan third only to the Maldives and Sri Lanka in South Asia. (WB, 2011)

          India inherited 90% of the industry in the sub-continent at partition. Due to land reforms introduced shortly after partition, the Indian economy continues to move in the right direction. With an average growth rate of 8% in the last three years, it is recognized as one of the world's fastest developing economies. However, the CIA Fact Book’s figures challenge the inclusivity of India’s economic policies as people living below poverty line remains at 41.6%, and India’s levels of child under-nutrition are double that of Sub-Saharan Africa. (WB, 2007). Despite government’s extensive welfare policies, social progress has also been hampered by Hindu caste system and anti-Muslim sentiment. The Industrial activity in India has, however, helped accelerate economic growth in the urban areas, creating jobs and increasing exports significantly. The revenue generated through tax collection has also helped create increased public spending on education, health care and various social programs to fight poverty.

Maldives comprises 1191 islands in the Indian Ocean of which almost 200 are inhabited. Tourism is its main industry, contributing almost 20% to the GDP. The Maldives economy is growing at an average of over 10% since the past two decades, although the 2005 tsunami caused a temporary setback. In 2009, the global financial crisis also caused decline of tourist arrivals and investment. However, the thorough policy planning of government, aided by International financial institutions like World Bank, continues to draw substantial investment through economy-friendly incentives. Over the longer term though, a bigger threat to Maldivian economy is seen to be the impact of erosion and global warming as 80% of the area lies 1 meter or less above sea level. Bhutan has urged the developed countries to help by reducing their carbon emissions.

Nepal is among the least developed countries in the world, and was ranked 29th on the Global Hunger Index 2010. It is a landlocked state bordered by China and India. Nepal's GDP for 2008 was estimated at over $12 billion making it the 115th-largest economy in the world. Agriculture accounts for about 40% of GDP, services comprise 41% and industry 22%. Nepal has considerable potential in hydropower, but political instability has hampered foreign investment. Civil strife and labor unrest, and its susceptibility to natural disaster continue to be a challenge. Nepal meets its energy demands through India and is contracted to import all its petroleum products through the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), which also means paying extra duties and taxes. Foreign aid accounts for more than half of the development budget. Government priorities over the years have been the development of transportation and communication facilities, agriculture, and industry. The export-oriented carpet and garment industries together now account for approximately 70% of merchandise exports. A positive note from World Economic Outlook 2010 reported Nepal’s inflation at 6.8% in 2010-1.

Pakistan's economy is predominantly based on agriculture, and has seen growth since the early 1950s despite internal strife, external conflict, sanctions, global recession, and natural disasters (2005 earthquake, 2010 floods). It is the 27^th largest economy in the world. 17.2% population lives below poverty-line (WB 2011). The tax collection in Pakistan remains at less than 10% of GDP and the lack of revenue restricts Pakistan’s spending on development programs. Textiles account for most of Pakistan's export earnings, but the government’s failure to address power issues and hence expand a viable export base has left the country’s economy vulnerable. However, in 2005, Pakistan was named the top reformer in its region and in the top 10 reformers globally (WB), and included by the Goldman Sachs Global Economics Group as one of the “Next Eleven” (N-11), a group of countries with sizeable economic potential for global impact. Unfortunately, the internal strife and fallout of War on Terror and global financial crisis has forced massive capital flight from Pakistan. Still, Pakistan was ranked 83 among 181 countries around the globe in Ease of Doing Business Index 2011, much higher regionally than countries doing better in other areas; Bangladesh is ranked 107, Bhutan 142, India 134, Nepal 116 and Sri Lanka is 102.

Sri Lanka has an economy of $56 billion (IMF, 2011) and GDP of about US$7000. Sri Lanka has shown strong growth rates in recent years, and is far ahead of Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. Its main economic sectors are tourism, and agricultural products. Overseas employment also contributes highly in foreign exchange. Since 2009, Sri Lanka is among the world's fastest growing economies after its civil war against the Tamil Tigers ended. In 2010, Sri Lanka's GDP was estimated at 8% and is expected to grow by another 8.5% in 2011. Improvements in security and infrastructure projects have lead to a return of foreign investment. For many years, the United States has been Sri Lanka's biggest market for garments, taking more than 63% of the country's total garment exports, and China has invested in multi-billion dollar infrastructure projects. International investors in the tourism and hospitality industry have also shown interest to invest in Sri Lanka due to its obvious tourism potential.

In conclusion, given the scale of South Asian development issues, development planners and practitioners need to take various approaches to help the regional economy find a solid footing in the global market. However, economic strategies must balance security solutions, and work through welfare programs to reduce poverty, strengthening local government, civil administration, improving health and education infrastructure, and providing incentives for international funding sources. To ease the burden of this deprived but dynamic region, the international community needs to continue its support for development projects through its funding and knowledge assistance and help them move into a new era of sustained growth.

Social indicators of development in the dynamic South Asian region are not always promising. However, the South Asian economy is resilient as are its people, and can do well with sustained international focus in lending and knowledge investment to supplement efforts of local governments.

South Asia comprises seven countries: Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, representing the largest concentration of the world’s poor and also of the highest number of the conflict-afflicted. Over-population, environmental issues and bad governance feature high on development challenges, as do internal and external conflict.

 Nepal’s stability is affected by decades of Maoist insurgency. Sri Lanka has struggled through years of ethnic conflict. India has had to deal with major internal insurgencies and the political and military challenges with neighboring countries. The arms race in the region between the two largest countries of the region, India and Pakistan, which started in the 80s and grew to include nuclear capability, continues to challenge relations between them. Also, the power politics of major world players over the years, the US and the former USSR, has caused huge instability in the region and Pakistan battles serious repercussions in the form of drugs and terrorism, and the fallout of War on Terror in neighboring Afghanistan.

Not surprisingly, South Asian countries have extensive areas of inequality and extreme poverty directly connected to the conflict areas. The inclusivity of development logically depends on reducing this inequality. Since conflict is a major deterrent to political stability, no sustained growth policies have been successfully applied over the decades. However, domestic reforms and external assistance has helped provide some relief in phases.

A brief overview of the economic outlook of South Asian countries is as follows:

Bangladesh is an agricultural country, and one of the world’s most densely populated nations (164 million). A wide majority works in agriculture, though service industries contribute over half of GDP. Bangladesh has a flourishing garment industry. However, weak institutions, poverty, frequent cyclones and floods and corruption (CPI 2009: 139^th/180) undermine economic development and increase unrest despite reasonable inflow of aid from international donor, including around $100 million a year from the United States. Unemployment rate is currently closer to 5.1% and inflation 6.0% (CIA Fact Book 2011).  Still, from the '90s to 2010 industrial production increased to 30% from 20%. The increase in demand for power and other infrastructure has not been successfully met with and the country's industries and manufacturing sector have suffered greatly.

Bhutan is ranked among the top 10 happiest countries of the world. This has been achieved due to its unique five-year national development plan series based on ‘Gross National Happiness’. Bhutan is well into achieving its objective to reduce poverty to 15% by 2012-13 in its Tenth Five-Year Plan (2008-2013). Bhutan has not only been successful at most of the original MDGs but in some cases, it is going beyond the MDGs. However, trade and finance need some policy planning to facilitate more foreign investment. Regionally, the economy is closely aligned with India’s and hydropower exports to India have boosted Bhutan’s overall growth. The World Bank has been assisting Bhutan since the early 80s and projects worth US$73 million focused on education, health, private sector, and rural development and infrastructure are underway. The Global Fund is also committed to programs to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. The per capita income has exceeded US$2000, making Bhutan third only to the Maldives and Sri Lanka in South Asia. (WB, 2011)

          India inherited 90% of the industry in the sub-continent at partition. Due to land reforms introduced shortly after partition, the Indian economy continues to move in the right direction. With an average growth rate of 8% in the last three years, it is recognized as one of the world's fastest developing economies. However, the CIA Fact Book’s figures challenge the inclusivity of India’s economic policies as people living below poverty line remains at 41.6%, and India’s levels of child under-nutrition are double that of Sub-Saharan Africa. (WB, 2007). Despite government’s extensive welfare policies, social progress has also been hampered by Hindu caste system and anti-Muslim sentiment. The Industrial activity in India has, however, helped accelerate economic growth in the urban areas, creating jobs and increasing exports significantly. The revenue generated through tax collection has also helped create increased public spending on education, health care and various social programs to fight poverty.

Maldives comprises 1191 islands in the Indian Ocean of which almost 200 are inhabited. Tourism is its main industry, contributing almost 20% to the GDP. The Maldives economy is growing at an average of over 10% since the past two decades, although the 2005 tsunami caused a temporary setback. In 2009, the global financial crisis also caused decline of tourist arrivals and investment. However, the thorough policy planning of government, aided by International financial institutions like World Bank, continues to draw substantial investment through economy-friendly incentives. Over the longer term though, a bigger threat to Maldivian economy is seen to be the impact of erosion and global warming as 80% of the area lies 1 meter or less above sea level. Bhutan has urged the developed countries to help by reducing their carbon emissions.

Nepal is among the least developed countries in the world, and was ranked 29th on the Global Hunger Index 2010. It is a landlocked state bordered by China and India. Nepal's GDP for 2008 was estimated at over $12 billion making it the 115th-largest economy in the world. Agriculture accounts for about 40% of GDP, services comprise 41% and industry 22%. Nepal has considerable potential in hydropower, but political instability has hampered foreign investment. Civil strife and labor unrest, and its susceptibility to natural disaster continue to be a challenge. Nepal meets its energy demands through India and is contracted to import all its petroleum products through the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), which also means paying extra duties and taxes. Foreign aid accounts for more than half of the development budget. Government priorities over the years have been the development of transportation and communication facilities, agriculture, and industry. The export-oriented carpet and garment industries together now account for approximately 70% of merchandise exports. A positive note from World Economic Outlook 2010 reported Nepal’s inflation at 6.8% in 2010-1.

Pakistan's economy is predominantly based on agriculture, and has seen growth since the early 1950s despite internal strife, external conflict, sanctions, global recession, and natural disasters (2005 earthquake, 2010 floods). It is the 27^th largest economy in the world. 17.2% population lives below poverty-line (WB 2011). The tax collection in Pakistan remains at less than 10% of GDP and the lack of revenue restricts Pakistan’s spending on development programs. Textiles account for most of Pakistan's export earnings, but the government’s failure to address power issues and hence expand a viable export base has left the country’s economy vulnerable. However, in 2005, Pakistan was named the top reformer in its region and in the top 10 reformers globally (WB), and included by the Goldman Sachs Global Economics Group as one of the “Next Eleven” (N-11), a group of countries with sizeable economic potential for global impact. Unfortunately, the internal strife and fallout of War on Terror and global financial crisis has forced massive capital flight from Pakistan. Still, Pakistan was ranked 83 among 181 countries around the globe in Ease of Doing Business Index 2011, much higher regionally than countries doing better in other areas; Bangladesh is ranked 107, Bhutan 142, India 134, Nepal 116 and Sri Lanka is 102.

Sri Lanka has an economy of $56 billion (IMF, 2011) and GDP of about US$7000. Sri Lanka has shown strong growth rates in recent years, and is far ahead of Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. Its main economic sectors are tourism, and agricultural products. Overseas employment also contributes highly in foreign exchange. Since 2009, Sri Lanka is among the world's fastest growing economies after its civil war against the Tamil Tigers ended. In 2010, Sri Lanka's GDP was estimated at 8% and is expected to grow by another 8.5% in 2011. Improvements in security and infrastructure projects have lead to a return of foreign investment. For many years, the United States has been Sri Lanka's biggest market for garments, taking more than 63% of the country's total garment exports, and China has invested in multi-billion dollar infrastructure projects. International investors in the tourism and hospitality industry have also shown interest to invest in Sri Lanka due to its obvious tourism potential.

In conclusion, given the scale of South Asian development issues, development planners and practitioners need to take various approaches to help the regional economy find a solid footing in the global market. However, economic strategies must balance security solutions, and work through welfare programs to reduce poverty, strengthening local government, civil administration, improving health and education infrastructure, and providing incentives for international funding sources. To ease the burden of this deprived but dynamic region, the international community needs to continue its support for development projects through its funding and knowledge assistance and help them move into a new era of sustained growth.

Published: SouthAsia Magazine, as Potential and Prospects, Sept 2011

Human Kindness is Limitless

Feature

Volunteers serve as a catalyst for change in a society. It is important to provide a supportive environment to these selfless individuals and organizations so that they may contribute to true nation building.

The culture of volunteerism is inherent to many societies and supplements State functions. It is also an expression of the spirit of human compassion. Sometimes, however, it may be a response to the failure of State apparatus, prompting people to form support networks with friends and families in times of crises. Whatever the reason, societies at large benefit tremendously from selfless acts of devoted volunteers.

Volunteer work may be defined as work motivated not by material gains or external pressures, but by free will. It may include assisting the physically, socially or mentally disadvantaged in their everyday struggles, running literacy programs, and disease prevention and awareness campaigns etc. by contributing time, skills or resources. A question that often teases the mind is, how the idea of volunteerism takes root in communities in the first place, and whether it is dependent on the level of affluence in societies. A cursory glance at some aspects of developed and underdeveloped cultures around the world shows motivated people in all socio-economic groups, and sometimes more so in disadvantaged groups wherein the element of empathy plays an important role even when financial constraints paralyze action, and we find international charity organizations playing their important role by offering financial support to genuine humanitarian causes. 

In the US, the spirit of volunteerism is inculcated in individuals from a very young age, starting with pre-school children. By involving their parents in educational and fun activities at school, the community takes a teach-by-example route. As we go higher up the educational ladder, this trend is further seen to be strengthened when colleges encourage ‘Gap-year’ volunteer work experiences at home and abroad, taking up causes one feels passionate about, and learn valuable life lessons along the way. Needless to say, these programs benefit recipient societies tremendously as they enrich individual outlook.

The possibilities are endless when it comes to selecting one’s cause – from becoming a part of charities focusing on creating safe and supportive atmosphere for small children, to getting involved in pressing economic situations like provision of affordable housing for low-income families. When choosing social volunteerism as their passion, American citizens are never short of opportunities in their multicultural and multiethnic society. Social volunteerism helps develop a healthy pluralistic culture that focuses beyond religious, ethnic, and racial barriers and challenges misconceptions, thereby promoting social harmony. For example, the Sharon Pluralism Network working in a small town in Massachusetts helps bring “change at grassroots level in the society” through collaboration of seven town organizations “that partner together to support multicultural and interfaith understanding and engagement.”

This American spirit of volunteerism is extended to outside of the country as well, and has benefitted South Asian societies greatly. For example, the charity, CARE, has worked extensively in Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal to fight poverty and social injustice, running literacy programs and empowering women. CARE volunteers worked tirelessly in Pakistan during the 2010 floods alongside local volunteers to provide shelter, health and sanitation, and safe water facilities. Continuing CARE projects in India and Sri Lanka focus on disadvantaged children at orphanages and care centers, helping with teaching both life skills and handicrafts along with basic education, while also supporting the mentally and physically challenged. In Nepal, CARE projects work on special needs education and vocational training at orphanages. In Bangladesh, volunteer work focuses more on improving the local infrastructure that is perpetually caught up in a cycle of cyclones and floods. American volunteers have helped locals in building walls, drainage systems, playgrounds and clinics, and run educational programs that focus on health. Also, CARE projects have focused on food insecurity, maternal mortality, HIV prevention strategies, literacy, capacity building of communities etc.

Pakistan is a land of contradictions. While its rich history of art and architecture stretches back to 5,000 years, the present state of weak governance coupled with threats of terrorism has rendered the country paralyzed on many fronts. However, challenged by the holes in sustained development efforts of the State, resilient Pakistanis continue to take up the roles of builders and sustainers with or without help from international humanitarian organizations. The Pakistan Centre for Philanthropy (PCP) ranked Pakistan as the sixth most philanthropic country in the world. In a 2004 study it noted that more than 200,000 Pakistanis volunteer their skills on a full time basis. This view is supported by a 2005 report by The Christian Science Monitor which states that, “Pakistan has one of the highest rates of philanthropy in the world… 58 percent of Pakistanis volunteer their time to needy causes, giving nearly $700 million a year in charity.” Judging from the success of the Shaukat Khanum Memorial Cancer Hospital of Imran Khan which was built solely on public donations worth $22.2 million, to one man’s dream, the Edhi Foundation, which is listed in the Guinness Book of World Records as the world’s largest volunteer ambulance service, benefits millions of people in need, this culture of charity is indeed intrinsic to Pakistani society even as it continues to face numerous challenges on a daily basis. Despite widespread corruption in many government departments, volunteer charity organizations are widely respected for maintaining transparency and creating an efficient and effective image of Pakistani volunteers.

Pakistanis living abroad, like Pak-Americans, also continue to support the less privileged in their country of origin. During the 2005 Earthquake and the 2010 Floods, they donated generously towards relief efforts. Many Pakistani-American organizations also contributed time, skills and funds for victims of the 2004 Asian tsunami and for victims of Hurricane Katrina, according to a report in US Dept of State’s The Washington File. Active humanitarian organizations among these included Association of Pakistani Physicians of North America (APPNA), Pakistani Association of Greater Seattle, Association of Pakistani-American physicians, The Council of Pakistan-American Affairs (COPAA) of Southern California, The Organization of Pakistani Entrepreneurs of North America (OPEN) etc. Many Pak-Americans contributed in individual capacities as well.

Conversely, for years American volunteers have also worked through charities and in their individual capacity in Pakistan in relief efforts during times of crises. While their contribution has been invaluable, an important feature of this contact is formation of bonds which go beyond the short period of actual contact and helps dispel misconceptions on both sides. An American volunteer, Dr Mary Burry, visited Pakistan for relief work during the 2005 Earthquake. The Christian Science Monitor later quoted her as saying, “Like most Americans, I had the idea that this is a pretty dangerous place to be…” and the experience “totally changed my concept of Pakistan.” Another American volunteer, Wesley Olson remarked, “I’ve been to eight or nine countries by now - and by far the nicest people I’ve met have been here.” In turn, Pakistanis were also deeply touched by the generosity and dedication of the American helpers.

When all sides prosper due to actions of a few, it is indeed a wonderfully simple way to bring countries closer together. Selfless volunteer work helps develop a culture of kindness and compassion by benefitting the most vulnerable sections of communities, enriching the giver as much as the receiver. It is simply an expression of human kindness that spreads outwards and envelopes everyone in its warmth.

Published in SouthAsia as: Human kindness is Limitless June 2011